4
10
47
-
https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/files/original/flowerprotest_1797ce3383.png
e4322103e9793f3abbe76e8be387cc26
Omeka Image File
The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files.
Bit Depth
8
Height
394
Width
600
Photograph
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Photograph
Title
A name given to the resource
Vietnam War Protestors Confront M.P.s with Flowers
Language
A language of the resource
English
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Description
An account of the resource
A Vietnam-era photograph shows a standoff between antiwar protesters and military police. The demonstration, which took place on October 21, 1967, included a march to the Pentagon, where "Yippies" Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin led a mock "exorcism" of the building. As many as 100,000 people took part in the protest, which also involved several exchanges similar to the one depicted in the photograph.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Department of Defense
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Department of Defense, "Photograph of a Female Demonstrator Offering a Flower to a Military Police Officer, 10/21/1967," 21 October 1967, from the National Archives, http://arcweb.archives.gov/arc/action/ExternalIdSearch?id=594360
Primary
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1
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1967
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Social Movements
Social Movements
Vietnam War
-
Oral History
A resource containing historical information obtained in interviews with persons having firsthand knowledge.
Transcription
Any written text transcribed from a sound.
I rolled into Berkeley in the summer of 1965 at the end of the Free Speech movement and the beginning of the really visible anti-Vietnam War movement. I fell into a very rich cultural and political scene, and began working on some songs for an anti-Vietnam play by Nina Serrano. One day, I sat back, strummed a few things on my guitar, and this song just popped into my head really quickly.<br /><br />I'd formed this skiffle band and a few months later in October of 1965 we recorded the "Fixin'-to-Die-Rag." … We pressed a hundred of those discs and sold them for about fifty cents. I sold a few copies at the second Berkeley teach-in on the Vietnam War…<br /><br />"Fixin'-to-Die" was hated by top brass and the prowar people who were safe. It was also hated by some of the rank-and-file, but as the years went on and the war went on, I don't think there were many military people from that era who disliked the song. I was surprised to find out that it was sung and played in Vietnam by American soldiers. And years later I also met Phil Butler, who was a POW in North Vietnam for seven years. He told me Hanoi Hannah [the English-speaking propaganda broadcaster for Radio Hanoi] used to pump the song into the Hanoi Hilton [Hoa Lo Prison]. The North Vietnamese thought it fit for their party line. Phil told me when they played "Fixin'-to-Die-Rag" the prisoners would smile and hum along. It was a morale booster for the American prisoners. The Vietnamese never understood that. The French-educated Vietnamese who were running the Communist party during the war thought that they understood Americans because they had studied Jeffersonian democracy, but the song contains something which I think is unique on this planet – an American sense of humor…<br /><em><br /></em>
<p><em>And it's one two three,</em><br /><em>What are we fighting for?</em><br /><em>Don't ask me, I don't give a damn,</em><br /><em>Next stop is Vietnam.</em><br /><em>And it's five six seven,</em><br /><em>Open up the Pearly Gates;</em><br /><em>There ain't no time to wonder why, </em><br /><em>Whoopie – we're all gonna die!</em></p>
Interviewer
The person(s) performing the interview.
Christian G. Appy
Interviewee
The person(s) being interviewed.
Joe McDonald
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Oral History
Language
A language of the resource
English
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Title
A name given to the resource
A Songwriter Recalls the Origins and Impact of an Antiwar Anthem
Description
An account of the resource
After serving in the Navy, Joe McDonald moved to Berkeley, California, as the anti-Vietnam War movement was beginning to pick up momentum. He recorded "I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-to-Die-Rag" under the name "Country Joe and the Fish"; the song gradually became an anthem for the antiwar movement, particularly after McDonald performed it at the Woodstock festival in 1969.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Christian G. Appy, ed., <em>Patriots: The Vietnam War Remembered from All Sides</em>, (New York: Penguin Books, 2003) 195-199.
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Used by permission of Chris Appy. For on-line information about other Penguin Group (USA) books and authors, see the Internet website at: <a href="http://penguin.com/" target="_blank">http://www.penguin.com</a>.
Primary
Is this Primary or Secondary? Enter 1 for Primary or 2 for Secondary.
1
Relation
A related resource
837
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2003
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Social Movements
Social Movements
Vietnam War
-
Oral History
A resource containing historical information obtained in interviews with persons having firsthand knowledge.
Transcription
Any written text transcribed from a sound.
<p>We scheduled the (antiwar) demonstration for April 17, 1965 in Washington D.C., but nobody thought it would be very large. SDS was still a tiny organization with maybe two thousand members and Vietnam was not very much on anybody’s horizon…</p>
<p>So when I got on a bus in Ann Arbor on April 16, I felt I would be happy to see five thousand people. When we rolled in Washington I remember seeing great flocks of buses parked along the mall, scores of them. It was a sunrise experience and it was staggering. I thought, we’re in business, we’re rolling. The antiwar movement is going to be really substantial. It will be a real contest. We had maybe twenty-five thousand people and everything about it felt good.</p>
<p>It was a beautiful day and if you look at pictures of the crowds you’d probably be surprised by how straight everyone looks. People are sitting on the grass around the Washington Monument wearing sports jackets and dresses. It looked like a prom. We had music by Joan Baez, the Freedom Singers, and Phil Ochs. Most people thought the best speech was given by Paul Potter, then the president of SDS. His argument was that the brutality manifested in Vietnam was connected to the brutality of American society and that in order to stop the war we had to change the system. That was the key phrase. Some people thought it was huge mistake, a radical deepening of what was at stake, but it was a momentous speech and what most resonated with people was the very clear call to fortitude and commitment….</p>
<p>At the same time that polls showed a majority had turned against the war in 1968, a survey asked people to rank by popularity a variety of national organizations or forces. The most unpopular entity in America was the antiwar movement. That to me encapsulates the fundamental tragedy. We were hated. We were seen, not inaccurately, as part of a radical ensemble that really wanted to turn a great deal upside down</p>
Interviewer
The person(s) performing the interview.
Christian G. Appy
Interviewee
The person(s) being interviewed.
Todd Gitlin
Dublin Core
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Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Oral History
Title
A name given to the resource
A Student Organizer Recalls an Antiwar Protest
Language
A language of the resource
English
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Description
An account of the resource
Todd Gitlin was a founding member of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), which by the late 1960s was the largest radical student organization in the country. Originally concerned with the problem of poverty and racism in the United States, SDS was one of the first student groups to take an anti-war stance. Here Gitlin recalls his impressions of an anti-Vietnam War protest held in Washington on April 17, 1965, the largest demonstration against the war to that point.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Christian G. Appy, ed., <em>Patriots: The Vietnam War Remembered from All Sides</em> (New York: Penguin Books, 2003), 265-267.
Rights
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Used by permission of Chris Appy. For on-line information about other Penguin Group (USA) books and authors, see the Internet website: <a href="http://penguin.com/" target="_blank">http://www.penguin.com</a>.
Primary
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1
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2003
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Social Movements
Social Movements
Vietnam War
-
https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/files/original/ifeellikeimfixintodierag_c8e20cf70a.mp3
1db63774a0bdf3af8b33fa01d25c4418
Music/Song
Duration
Length of time involved (seconds, minutes, hours, days, class periods, etc.)
3:40
Transcription
Any written text transcribed from a sound.
<p>Come on all of you big strong men,<br /> Uncle Sam needs your help again.<br /> He's got himself in a terrible jam<br /> Way down yonder in Viet Nam<br /> So put down your books and pick up a gun<br /> We're gonna have a whole lotta fun.</p>
<p>(CHORUS)<br /><em>And it's one, two, three,<br />What are we fighting for<br />Don't ask me, I don't give a damn,<br />Next stop is Viet Nam;<br />And it's five, six, seven,<br />Open up the pearly gates,<br />Well there ain't no time to wonder why,<br />Whoopee! we're all gonna die.</em></p>
<p>Come on generals, let's move fast<br /> Your big chance has come at last.<br /> Gotta go out and get those reds—<br /> The only good commie is the one that's dead<br /> You know that peace can only be won<br /> When we've blown 'em all to kingdom come.</p>
<p>Come on Wall Street don't move slow,<br /> Why man this war is a go-go<br /> There's plenty good money to be made<br /> Supplying the Army with the tools of the trade<br /> Just hope and pray that if they drop the bomb,<br /> They drop it on the Viet Cong</p>
<p>Come on mothers throughout the land<br /> Pack your boys off to Viet Nam.<br /> Come on fathers, don't hesitate,<br /> Send your sons off before it's too late.<br /> You can be the first one on your block<br /> To have your boy come home in a box.</p>
Performer
Country Joe and the Fish
Lyricist
Joe McDonald
Composer
Joe McDonald
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Music/Song
Language
A language of the resource
English
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Title
A name given to the resource
"I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-to-Die-Rag"
Description
An account of the resource
In 1959, at the age of seventeen, Joe McDonald joined the Navy. After his discharge three years later, he enrolled in a Los Angeles college where he became involved in the Civil Rights Movement. In 1965, McDonald moved to Berkeley, California just as protests against the Vietnam War were becoming more visible. He formed a band called Country Joe and the Fish which recorded the "Fixin-to-Die-Rag" in October. The song, while never a commercial success, became one of the most powerful anthems of the anti-war movement.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Joe McDonald
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Joe McDonald, "I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-to-Die-Rag," sound recording and lyrics, <em>I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-to-Die</em> (Tradition Music, BMI, 1965).
Rights
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Used by permission of Joe McDonald.
Primary
Is this Primary or Secondary? Enter 1 for Primary or 2 for Secondary.
1
Relation
A related resource
1013, 1438
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1965
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Social Movements
Social Movements
Vietnam War
-
Government Document
Text
Any textual data included in the document.
<p>Goals</p>
<p>For maximum effectiveness of the Counterintelligence Program, and to prevent wasted effort, long-range goals are being set.</p>
<p>1. Prevent the COALITION of militant black nationalist groups. In unity there is strength; a truism that is no less valid for all its triteness. An effective coalition of black nationalist groups might be the first step toward a real “Mau Mau†[Black revolutionary army] in America, the beginning of a true black revolution.</p>
<p>2. Prevent the RISE OF A “MESSIAH†who could unify, and electrify, the militant black nationalist movement. Malcolm X might have been such a “messiah;†he is the martyr of the movement today. Martin Luther King, Stokely Carmichael and Elijah Muhammed all aspire to this position. Elijah Muhammed is less of a threat because of his age. King could be a very real contender for this position should he abandon his supposed “obedience†to “white, liberal doctrines†(nonviolence) and embrace black nationalism. Carmichael has the necessary charisma to be a real threat in this way.</p>
<p>3. Prevent VIOLENCE on the part of black nationalist groups. This is of primary importance, and is, of course, a goal of our investigative activity; it should also be a goal of the Counterintelligence Program to pinpoint potential troublemakers and neutralize them before they exercise their potential for violence.</p>
<p>4. Prevent militant black nationalist groups and leaders from gaining RESPECTABILITY, by discrediting them to three separate segments of the community. The goal of discrediting black nationalists must be handled tactically in three ways. You must discredit those groups and individuals to, first, the responsible Negro community. Second, they must be discredited to the white community, both the responsible community and to “liberals†who have vestiges of sympathy for militant black nationalist [sic] simply because they are Negroes. Third, these groups must be discredited in the eyes of Negro radicals, the followers of the movement. This last area requires entirely different tactics from the first two. Publicity about violent tendencies and radical statements merely enhances black nationalists to the last group; it adds “respectability†in a different way.</p>
<p>5. A final goal should be to prevent the long-range GROWTH of militant black organizations, especially among youth. Specific tactics to prevent these groups from converting young people must be developed.</p>
Dublin Core
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Type
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Government Document
Title
A name given to the resource
The FBI Sets Goals for COINTELPRO
Language
A language of the resource
English
Publisher
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Description
An account of the resource
Under Director J. Edgar Hoover, the FBI's COINTELPRO (Counterintelligence Program) was aimed at investigating and disrupting dissident political groups within the United States. In the 1960's, COINTELPRO's targets frequently included civil rights activists, both those who espoused non-violence, like Martin Luther King, and those that Hoover referred to as "black nationalist hate groups," like the Black Panthers. This document outlines the program's goals in attempting to limit the effectiveness of such groups. In practice, the FBI used infiltration, legal harassment, disinformation and sometimes extra-legal intimidation and violence against King, the Panthers, and other black activist groups in its attempt to discredit and disrupt them.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
J. Edgar Hoover
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Deborah Menkart, Alana D. Murray, Jenice L. View, eds., <em>Putting the Movement Back into Civil Rights Teaching</em> (Teaching for Change & PRRAC, 2004).
Primary
Is this Primary or Secondary? Enter 1 for Primary or 2 for Secondary.
1
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Social Movements
Social Movements
-
Government Document
Text
Any textual data included in the document.
<p>...I am not here as John Kerry. I am here as one member of the group of 1,000 which is a small representation of a very much larger group of veterans in this country, and were it possible for all of them to sit at this table they would be here and have the same kind of testimony....</p>
<p>I would like to talk, representing all those veterans, and say that several months ago in Detroit, we had an investigation at which over 150 honorably discharged and many very highly decorated veterans testified to war crimes committed in Southeast Asia, not isolated incidents but crimes committed on a day-to-day basis with the full awareness of officers at all levels of command....</p>
<p>...In our opinion, and from our experience, there is nothing in South Vietnam, nothing which could happen that realistically threatens the United States of America. And to attempt to justify the loss of one American life in Vietnam, Cambodia, or Laos by linking such loss to the preservation of freedom, which those misfits supposedly abuse, is to us the height of criminal hypocrisy, and it is that kind of hypocrisy which we feel has torn this country apart....</p>
<p>We found that not only was it a civil war, an effort by a people who had for years been seeking their liberation from any colonial influence whatsoever, but also we found that the Vietnamese whom we had enthusiastically molded after our own image were hard put to take up the fight against the threat we were supposedly saving them from.</p>
<p>We found most people didn't even know the difference between communism and democracy. They only wanted to work in rice paddies without helicopters strafing them and bombs with napalm burning their villages and tearing their country apart. They wanted everything to do with the war, particularly with this foreign presence of the United States of America, to leave them alone on peace, and they practiced the art of survival by siding with whichever military force was present at a particular time, be it Vietcong, North Vietnamese, or American.</p>
<p>We found also that all too often American men were dying in those rice paddies for want of support from their allies. We saw first hand how money from American taxes was used for a corrupt dictatorial regime. We saw that many people in this country had a one-sided idea of who was kept free by our flag, as blacks provided the highest percentage of casualties. We saw Vietnam ravaged equally by American bombs as well as by search and destroy missions, as well as by Vietcong terrorism, and yet we listened while this country tried to blame all of the havoc on the Viet Cong.</p>
<p>We rationalized destroying villages in order to save them. We saw America lose her sense of morality as she accepted very coolly a My Lai and refused to give up the image of American soldiers who hand out chocolate bars and chewing gum.</p>
<p>We learned the meaning of free fire zones, shooting anything that moves, and we watched while America placed a cheapness on the lives of orientals.<br />We watched the U.S. falsification of body counts, in fact the glorification of body counts. We listened while month after month we were told the back of the enemy was about to break. We fought using weapons against "oriental human beings," with quotation marks around that. We fought using weapons against those people which I do not believe this country would dream of using were we fighting in the European theater or let us say a non-third-world people theater, and so we watched while men charged up hills because a general said that hill has to be taken, and after losing one platoon or two platoons they marched away to leave the high for the reoccupation by the North Vietnamese because we watched pride allow the most unimportant of battles to be blown into extravaganzas, because we couldn't lose, and we couldn't retreat, and because it didn't matter how many American bodies were lost to prove that point. And so there were Hamburger Hills and Khe Sanhs and Hill 881's and Fire Base 6's and so many others.</p>
<p>Now we are told that the men who fought there must watch quietly while American lives are lost so that we can exercise the incredible arrogance of Vietnamizing the Vietnamese....</p>
<p>Each day to facilitate the process by which the United States washes her hands of Vietnam someone has to give up his life so that the United States doesn’t have to admit something that the entire world already knows, so that we can't say they we have made a mistake. Someone has to die so that President Nixon won't be, and these are his words, "the first President to lose a war."</p>
<p>We are asking Americans to think about that because how do you ask a man to be the last man to die in Vietnam? How do you ask a man to be the last man to die for a mistake?</p>
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Type
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Government Document
Title
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John Kerry Testifies before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Language
A language of the resource
English
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Description
An account of the resource
On April 22, 1971, John Kerry, representing Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW), testified before the Foreign Relations Committee of the U.S. Senate. The following day, April 23, 1971, Kerry and hundreds of other VVAW veterans threw medals, ribbons, discharge papers, photographs, citations, canes and military clothing over a fence on the steps of the capitol building. Television cameras filmed the event, broadcasting dramatic images on the evening news on all the national networks.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
John Kerry
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
"Legislative Proposals Relating to the War in Southeast Asia," <em>Hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations</em>, United States Senate, Ninety-Second Congress, First Session (April-May 1971), (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1971).
Primary
Is this Primary or Secondary? Enter 1 for Primary or 2 for Secondary.
1
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Social Movements
Social Movements
Vietnam War
-
https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/files/original/fssecurityhandbook_0b9b009559.pdf
5b09bb9c1538b9f2bbbe018cbe50debe
Government Document
Dublin Core
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Type
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Government Document
Title
A name given to the resource
Security Handbook for Freedom Summer Workers
Language
A language of the resource
English
Publisher
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Description
An account of the resource
A copy of the Security Handbook given to participants in the "Freedom Summer" campaign in Mississippi in 1964 highlights the dangers that young civil rights workers were exposed to. Tragically, the precautions suggested by the handbook proved insufficient; three young volunteers, James Chaney, Michael Schwerner, and Andrew Goodman were abducted and killed by Klansmen within the first weeks of the campaign.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, "Security Handbook," <em>Civil Rights in Mississippi Digital Archive</em>, University of Southern Mississippi McCain Library and Archives, http://anna.lib.usm.edu/~spcol/crda/ellin/ellin048.html.
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Used by permission of The University of Southern Mississippi McCain Library and Archives.
Primary
Is this Primary or Secondary? Enter 1 for Primary or 2 for Secondary.
1
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1964 (Circa)
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civil Rights and Citizenship
Social Movements
Freedom Summer
Social Movements
-
Diary/Letter
Text
Any textual data included in the document.
<p>Dear Sir:<br /><br />The Women’s Political Council is very grateful to you and the City Commissioners for the hearing you allowed our representative during the month of March, 1954, when the “city-bus-fare-increase case†was being reviewed. There were several things the Council asked for:<br /><br />1. A city law that would make it possible for Negroes to sit from back toward front, and whites from front toward back until all the seats are taken.<br /><br />2. That Negroes not be asked or forced to pay fare at front and go to the rear of the bus to enter.<br /><br />3. That busses stop at every corner in residential sections occupied by Negroes as they do in communities where whites reside.<br /><br />We are happy to report that busses have begun stopping at more corners now in some sections where Negroes live than previously. However, the same practices in seating and boarding the bus continue.<br /><br />Mayor Gayle, three-fourths of the riders of these public conveyances are Negroes. If Negroes did not patronize them, they could not possibly operate.<br /><br />More and more of our people are already arranging with neighbors and friends to ride to keep from being insulted and humiliated by bus drivers.<br /><br />There has been talk from twenty-five or more local organizations of planning a city-wide boycott of busses. We, sir, do not feel that forceful measures are necessary in bargaining for a convenience which is right for all bus passengers. . . . <br /><br />Please consider this plea, and if possible, act favorably upon it, for even now plans are being made to ride less, or not at all, on our busses. We do not want this.<br /><br />Respectfully yours,<br /><br />The Women’s Political Council<br />Jo Ann Robinson, President</p>
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Type
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Diary/Letter
Language
A language of the resource
English
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Title
A name given to the resource
African-American Women Threaten a Bus Boycott in Montgomery
Description
An account of the resource
This letter from the Women's Political Council to the Mayor of Montgomery, Alabama, threatens a bus boycott by the city's African Americans if demands for fair treatment are not met.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Jo Ann Robinson
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Clayborne Carson, et al, eds., <em>The Eyes on the Prize Civil Rights Reader</em> (New York: Penguin Books, 1991), 44-45; also from <em>Historical Thinking Matters</em>, http://historicalthinkingmatters.org/inquiry.php?sourceID=19&page=inquiry&moduleID=5&tab=resources.
Primary
Is this Primary or Secondary? Enter 1 for Primary or 2 for Secondary.
1
Relation
A related resource
1835, 1836
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1954
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civil Rights and Citizenship
Social Movements
Boycotts
Social Movements
-
https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/files/original/bygeorge_d0519f9806.tif
00f33f02508c8f504d3c009cc301c23c
Omeka Image File
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Height
1125
Width
1141
Cartoon
Original Caption
<p>"With all its drawbacks, and horrors, and shortcomings, the great epoch of the French Revolution, now but a century gone, is about to repeat itself here." Extract from Speech by Henry George, at Nilsson Hall. N.Y. Sun, October 14.</p>
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Type
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Cartoon
Title
A name given to the resource
<em>Harper's Weekly</em> Mocks the Theories of Henry George
Language
A language of the resource
English
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Description
An account of the resource
In this political cartoon from <em>Harper's Weekly</em>, the theories of Henry George, the Workingman's Party candidate for Mayor of New York, are depicted as leading to mob violence and misrule. With a caption featuring a quote from George (taken out of context) that refers to the horrors of the French Revolution, the cartoonist suggests that the discrepancies between the "theory" and "practice" of reformers like George will likewise lead to violent excess on the part of the "undesirable elements" the poor and immigrant workers whose votes the George campaign sought.
Creator
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Unknown
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"Reform-By George," <em>Harper's Weekly</em>, 23 October 1886; from <em>HarpWeek</em>, Cartoon of the Day, http://www.harpweek.com/09Cartoon/BrowseByDateCartoon.asp?Month=Octoberandamp;Date=23.
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1
Date
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1886
Coverage
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Industrialization and Expansion (1877-1913)
Subject
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Social Movements
Social Movements
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https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/files/original/chicanoch10_4ee28cb70c.pdf
131c508db437355205903c6999269643
Book (excerpt)
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Book
Title
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"The Fight for Educational Reform": Chicano Youth Demand Change
Language
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English
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Description
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In this chapter from <em>Chicano!: The History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement</em> F. Arturo Rosales explains the environment from which this Chicano youth movement developed and the tactics used by this student movement to bring about educational reform during the 1960s and early 1970s.
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F. Arturo Rosales
Source
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F. Arturo Rosales, <em>Chicano: The History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement</em> (Arte Publico Press, 1997), 174-195
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We do not have permission to display this item publicly.
Date
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1997
Coverage
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Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
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Social Movements
Social Movements